Friday, May 21, 2010

Women Rights between Islam and the UN: a Conflict or an Opportunity?

Human rights under the UN are divided into two categories or generations: civil and political rights (CPR) comprise the first generation, while economic, social and cultural rights (ESCR) comprise the second. Another, albeit much older, institution that ventured into human rights is Islam. It is often argued that Islam is one of the pioneering institutions to grant women equitable rights compared to their male counterparts. These rights cover a variety of aspects such as, inter alia, the right to property, right to a consensual marriage, and the right to education. While Islam indeed achieved a breakthrough by alleviating women’s status in society, most of the rights it granted fall within the category of economic, social, and cultural rights (ESCR), leaving women with very limited entitlement to civil and political rights (CPR). Muslim women today, both in theory and in practice, remain largely excluded from positions of leadership and full participation in the public political arena. To give but one example, many fundamentalists whole-heartedly believe and argue that any nation led by a woman is doomed to a fate of failure.
It could be argued that the type of rights granted to women when Islam first evolved is directly related to the type of roles women assumed in that period. With the exception of a few privileged women, pre-Islamic Arabia was intellectually, politically, and economically dominated by men, while women were restricted to the private sphere. As a result, the new doctrine of Islam focused on empowering women within the private sphere they already occupied by granting them the aforementioned ESCR. However, an examination of Muslim women’s ESCR today shows that even the ideals prescribed in the texts lack proper implementation on the ground, partly because they have fallen prey to centuries of patriarchal understanding of the texts. An additional reason why ESCR of Muslim women lack the proper implementation is the close relationship between them and the missing CPR. According to the Human Development Report 2000, ESCR and CPR are closely interrelated as the former cannot be exercised without guaranteeing the latter category. The result, therefore, is that one category of rights (CPR) is virtually nonexistent, while the other category (ESCR) remains confined to the pages of sacred books.
This legacy has placed women in the backseats of development, rendering them passive and unproductive. Consequentially, women have missed invaluable opportunities of applying their intellectual and physical abilities in bettering themselves and the societies they live in. How can this situation be remedied? Given the current state of affairs, the demands of a swiftly-changing modern age in addition to the need for full realization of ESCR both apply pressure on the need to revolutionize Muslim women’s CPR. But how could this possibly be done when the doctrine in question is about 1500 years old? This is where the importance of the concept of “gradualism” arises. The Islamic ideology is based on the idea of gradual change that allows Islam to remain relevant to its adherents regardless of time and place by implementing flexible modes of jurisprudence. Moreover, history is witness to the fact that intellectual tides are consequentially followed by the appropriate changes in traditions and practices of a society, including Muslim societies. Therefore, it is necessary to acknowledge the concept that CPR, which will lead to the inevitable achievement of ESCR, can occur by empowering women as agents of change rather than rendering them no more than passive recipients of welfare.
In spite of the fact that different generations and categories of human rights are relatively modern concepts, Islam has the necessary tools to utilize them for the purpose of improving women’s status which will ultimately contribute to the overall betterment of societies worldwide.


(Image by Hamed Saber

Monday, March 29, 2010

A Right to Euthanasia?

Reading the Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights in its General Comment No. 14 (2000) regarding the right to health, I found the following statement that older persons have the right to health measures that include “sparing them avoidable pain and enabling them to die with dignity”. While the Comment does not delve into details regarding which kinds of measures are acceptable and which are not, the notion of “dying with dignity” does bring to mind the controversial question of euthanasia. Of course it is important to note here that Euthanasia is not constricted to older people but could also be applied to terminally-ill people of all ages.
While a number of liberal European countries have already legalised the practice with the assistance of a board of experts to decide on each case before granting permission to shortening a patient’s life, this is probably not going to be the case any time soon when it comes to more conservative and religion-based governments where the question, unfortunately, does not even get the chance of reaching an objective platform of debate.
While I do not particularly advocate the use of euthanasia, otherwise known as “mercy killing”, I think it is significant to open channels of discussion on this topic because of its direct effects on countless patients suffering out there. The WHO acknowledges that every person has a right to “a state of complete physical mental and social well being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity”. So doesn’t this topic deserve an objective debate based on a human-rights approach?

(Painting by Jibran Khalil Jibran)

Saturday, February 13, 2010

The Precarious Relationship between Economic Development and Human Rights in Emerging Markets: The Example of Qatar

A recent study by the Economist estimates that Qatar will lead economic growth in 2010 with a growth rate of about 25%. The country definitely continues to show positive signs of continued growth in spite of the recent financial meltdown that temporarily slowed down the global economy and the financial troubles of its neighbor Dubai. The rapid growth witnessed recently by this emerging market, though, oftentimes masks human rights violations of low-cost migrant labor mainly from South Asia but also from other Asian, African, and neighboring Arab countries. These laborers are usually found working at precarious construction sites, catering to the needs of the services sector, and toiling 24/7 as domestic workers with very little or no legal protection from abuse. One might ask “how could such an economically thriving country suffer from issues traditionally correlated with poor underdeveloped markets?”. One of the reasons contributing to this phenomenon is the haphazard sponsorship laws which stipulate that any expatriate working in the Gulf must be sponsored either by a Gulf citizen or company. Some of the restrictions that the sponsorship laws entail are approval of the sponsor upon entry to and exit from the country, reservation of travel documents such as identification cards and passports as seen fit by the sponsor, and approval of financial transactions requiring banks or other financial institutions. These laws leave the door wide open for numerous reported as well as unreported cases of abuse, harassment, exploitation, and other human rights violations. Moreover, governments whose citizens are dependent on remittances sent by these laborers often willingly conspire through laws that allow for such abuses to prevail rather than challenge them and demand labor law reforms. Additionally, given the convenience of and profits made by procuring low-cost laborers who do not entail much compensation or protection, the business community in Qatar and the GCC in general has a preference to maintain the general status quo. Unawareness of one’s rights at the workplace is also another element that contributes to continued abuse and exploitation.
The issue of laborers’ rights, after drawing much criticism from human rights bodies and some foreign governments, lead to changes in the structure of the legal system in Qatar as well as neighboring GCC countries. The National Human Rights Committee (NHRC), the main body responsible for overseeing human rights in Qatar, publishes annual reports on the status of human rights in the country. In its most recent study, the NHRC reported that there were major legal reforms taken by the Qatari government to address the issue of workers’ rights. However, it does admit that in spite of the legal reforms laborers still suffer from harsh working conditions. Moreover, complaints are often unnecessarily delayed once made to governmental departments such as legal courts and the Ministry of Labor. As a result, human rights violations at the workplace continue to be a part of everyday life in Qatar leaving these workers pretty much unaffected by the much-praised accelerated economic growth.
Leading economist Amartya Sen makes a point that financial indicators of economic growth such as high income per capita do not necessarily translate into improved living standards. Indeed, while Qatar enjoys the second highest income per capita in the world, many migrant workers who come to the country seeking better employment opportunities oftentimes find themselves trapped in a cultural and legal system that continually undermines their rights and capabilities; therefore, proving right the argument that economic development and the realization of human rights are not exponentially related.

Thursday, February 4, 2010

I Ask you to Leave

While this beautiful poem by Nizar Qabbani is specifically addressed to his lover, I think that the theme can also be applied to any perfect and delicate memory we shield away from reality for fear of ruining it...


Let us part a little..
For the sake of what's best for this love, my love
And what's best for us..
Let us part a little
Because I want you to love me more
I want you to hate me a little
For the sake of what we have..
What used to be precious memories..
For the sake of a wonderful love..
That is still carved on our lips
That is still engraved on our hands
For the sake of the letters you wrote me
And your face like a flower implanted within me
And your lingering love on my hair, on my fingers
For the sake of our memories
And our beautiful sorrow and smile
And our love which grew bigger than our words
Bigger than our lips..
For the sake of the most beautiful love story of our lives
I ask you to leave
Let us part as lovers..
Birds in every season..
Part with hills..
And the sun my love..
Is prettiest when it tries to set
Be the doubt and torment of my life
Be a legend for once..
Be a mirage for once..
Be the question on my mouth
That does not know the answer
For the sake of a wonderful love
That resides in our hearts and lashes
And for me to be prettier
And for you to be closer
I ask you to leave
Let us part…as lovers..
Let us part in spite of all the love and tenderness
Through tears my love
I want you to see me
Through fire and smoke
I want you to see me
Let us burn.. let us cry my love
For we have forgotten
Long time ago what a blessing it is to cry
Let us part..
So our love is not reduced to habit
And our longing to ashes
So that flowers in vases do not wither
Do not worry my little one
Your love still fills my eyes and conscience
And I am still fascinated by your vast love
And I still dream of having you
My knight and my prince
But I.. but I..
Am afraid of my passion
Am afraid of my feelings
I am afraid of tiring of our longing
I am afraid of our closeness
I am afraid of our embrace
In the name of a great love
That blossomed like spring within us
Shone like sun in our eyes
In the name of the most beautiful love story of our ages
I ask you to leave..
For our love to remain beautiful..
For our love to live longer..
I ask you to leave..

(Painting by Salvador Dali)

Tuesday, December 29, 2009

The White Man's Burden

“The White Man’s Burden” is the title of a nineteenth-century poem by the English poet Rudyard Kipling. The poem is perceived by many literary critics as a racist argument for Western imperialism. According to them, it is a blatant call for white supremacist values to salvage the rest of the world from the "darkness of their cultures". Whether Mr. Kipling, lying in his deep dark grave, agrees with this reading of his poem or not, centuries of colonialism and occupation proved the ideology to be a complete failure.
Today, though, the “white man” seems to be carrying a different type of burden. That is the heavy shadows of the past years of arrogant racism. Take modern German history as an example. Inarguably, one of the most sensitive spots in German collective sub-conscience today is the Nazi era. The post Second World War generations feel compelled to sever any ties of sympathy with anyone who had been involved in the Holocaust. Quite naturally, many still haven’t figured out how to reconcile with such a disturbingly ever-present past.
Another example can be seen in South Africa, which ended its apartheid regime less than two decades ago. While it is admirable how the country managed a transition to democracy through nonviolent means, the tension between different races in the country can still be strongly felt. High crime rates, among other indicators, reflect tensions of the present and violence of the past. However, as an observer, I find it quite notable that many seem obliged to over-emphasize patriotic bonds and paint a bright harmonious picture of multi-ethnic relations evading any deep examination of the issue.
Germany and South Africa are hardly the only two examples. Many complex issues of the sort exist across the globe where a racial conflict had recently risen. Can we look at this modern “burden” as a part of the healing process that will eventually lead to reconciliation? Is it that ugly scar that reminds you not to play with a knife again? The world is certainly shifting to a more politically and economically decentralized state away from the imperialist models of the past centuries. Many would argue that that is not the case culturally, but I seriously doubt that the masses would be enthusiastically flocking towards any blatantly pro-colonialist best-sellers hitting the book stands or box offices any time soon. At least we can relax that Kiplings of the world had their day and is now gone.

(Painting from Ohio State University Gallery)

Tuesday, December 22, 2009

Drunken Memory

By Ghada Al Samman

Why
Is it that when I am drunk on an airplane
The clouds form a map of Syria
One cloud after the other?
***
During Parisian exile events, I cut the ceremonial ribbons of rain
At Maxime Restaurant with a scythe from our old Shami village.
If I were a woman of chocolate,
I would’ve melted under the suns of Singapore and Manila.
If I were a woman of salt,
I would’ve dissolved in the sea waters between Lisbon and Barcelona.
But I am a Sinbad who circled the earth in search of her lover,
While he had been lying deep inside her all along , and his name is her Country
***
He was cruel and violent.
I felt his palm like an ice block when he took my hand
But I have loved him and followed him to the end of the world
While snow fell off his eyes over me…
And his lips blew winds of the Alps when he whispered my name,
His name was: Exile
I do not regret that wretched love,
For the so-called “exile” taught me better than any other teacher how
To write the name of my country with stars on a board made of night.
---------------------------------
(My translation from Arabic version)

Painting by Lord Frederick Leighton

Sunday, November 15, 2009

Foolish Woman

By Nizar Qabani

My dear lord
This is a letter
From a foolish woman
Has a foolish woman ever written to you before?
My name?
Let’s leave names aside
Rania or Zainab
Hind or Haifa
The silliest things we bear, my lord, are names
My lord
I fear of voicing my concern
I fear, if I did, the skies will burn
For your orient, my dear lord,
Confiscates blue letters
Seizes dreams from women’s dressers
Uses knives
And blades
To talk to women
Slaughters springs and yearnings
And black braids
Your orient, my dear lord,
Crafts sublime crowns of honor
Out of women’s skulls
Do not criticize me my lord
If my handwriting is poor
As I write with a swordsman behind my door
And outside my room winds howl and dogs growl
My lord
Antara the Brave is behind my door
He would slaughter me
Should he see my letter
He would behead me
Should I defy my fetter
He would behead me
Should my dress be unproper
For your honor, my dear lord,
Sieges women with spears
Appoints men as seers
And buries women
Do not be upset!
My dear lord…from my lines
Do not be upset
If I smash the bottle sealed for ages
If I break the iron stamp on my pages
If I run away
From the castles and the harem cages
If I revolt against my death
My grave
My roots
And the great slaughterhouse
Do not be upset my lord!
If I unveil my passions
For an oriental man
Does not care for poetry nor passion
An oriental man
Does not understand a woman except in bed
Pardon me…pardon me my lord
If I offend men’s kingdom
Great literature – surely men’s literature – and love
Have always been men’s share
And sex has always been
A drug sold to men
Women’s freedom in our country is a myth
For there is no freedom
Other than men’s freedom
My lord
Say what you please of me, I won’t mind – superficial, foolish, crazy, stupid - I no longer mind
Because she who writes about her woes
Is a foolish woman according to men’s logic
Didn’t I say earlier that I am
A foolish woman?

(My translation from the Arabic version)

Illustration by Virginia Frances Sterrett